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The Diaspora in TransitionThe post World War II immigration wave to the United States has succeeded in establishing a strong presence there. Over the time it has diminished in numbers and vitality, not having a new inflow from Belarus in nearly half a century.In the early 1990’s after the break up of the Soviet Union, the next wave of immigrants started at first as a trickle. Some joined the existing Belarusian-American institutions, others disappeared in wider ex-Soviet communities. Eventually, after the introduction of the United States’ immigration lottery, and the worsening economic situation in Belarus, their numbers grew to form the new wave of emigration. The countries of Europe also became a magnet for those who feared prosecution for their involvement in anti-government political actions, in pro-democracy demonstrations or even for participation in unregistered NGOs. Many applied for political asylum in order to be able to live and work in their adopted countries. Students who were dismissed from institutions of higher learning for their political or human rights activity involvement, joined the influx in order to continue their studies abroad. And, those who were leaving Belarus for economic reasons, either temporarily or for good, formed the largest group. Over the last decade the economic emigrants have formed a sizable Belarusian diaspora worldwide. They occasionally found the need to reach out to the earlier immigrants on holidays and other special occasions. Otherwise, they appeared more comfortable in the wider ex-Soviet Russian- speaking environment, such as in the Brighton Beach area in New York, and similar areas elsewhere. This was mainly due to the decades-long russification since most of their education had been in the Russian language. In addition, the long term exposure to the Communist atheistic ideology left many of them either non-believers, or infrequent church goers. And, with many of the diaspora activities taking place at the church centers, they tended to stay away. As a result, predominantly economic immigrants didn’t join the existing Belarusian institutions in large numbers, and their lives became essentially family-centered. Some maintain close ties with their relatives and friends in Belarus, others only pay occasional visits there. This large segment of the émigré community remains outside of the scope of the organized diaspora, and thus outside of this paper’s focus. The Joiners and Others The remaining immigrants and/or refugees fall into two main categories, those who tend to join the existing institutions, and those that prefer to form their own. Compared to the economic immigrants, they maintain interest in the situation in Belarus, and act in support of freedom and democracy in their homeland. Some become members of the existing civic, cultural, academic and political organizations, also joining the various Belarusian congregations. In many instances, their computer and Internet skills help to modernize the old ‘brick and mortar’ institutions, augment or replace the printed paper press by eye catching up-to-date Internet versions. A number have assumed leadership positions upon the departure of the older leadership. This transition occasionally causes a change in the character and method of operation of these organizations and institutions. In the view of the oldtimers, who tend to forget their past internal conflicts, the newcomers are less able to work cooperatively or harmoniously as a group or less able to seek compromise solutions for the good of the whole. This condition is judged by some observers to be the result of being raised in an authoritarian, non-democratic and materially oriented environment of the Marxist society of the Soviet Union. However, there is reason to believe that, guided by the more liberal Western values, those civic minded among them will impact positively the Belarusian-American civic and religious organizations in the future. Others, younger and possibly more action oriented, view the existing Belarusian institutions as outdated and not sufficiently dynamic. To quote one young activist: “the existing diaspora tends to focus on organizing parties, dances and other such events. We have a new model of diaspora activity by organizing the needed (human rights or political) campaigns and by communicating via Internet, whether we are in Washington, DC , Florida or California. While living in the United States, it is not essential to join the local organizations, we can choose to join those in Brussels or Paris (via Internet), or wherever it is more interesting for us. I can’t say that I am an American Belarusian, rather I am a Belarusian of the global diaspora.” Thinking more traditionally, however, one can question whether such a dependence on virtual contacts can long survive without some physical connections and interaction. Following this type of virtual organizational thinking, these groups are setting up many websites, blogs and chatrooms. Some of them go to the trouble of securing adequate financing to continue and expand, others do it on a wave of enthusiasm, that unfortunately, soon fades. Still others, having applied for a grant and secured financial support for establishing a website, fail to maintain it properly, eventually disappearing, once this support is exhausted. (While preparing this paper, I scanned some of these sites, and I came across one offer to sell the domain name, another website, while still being located under the original name, is now promoting pornography, instead of democracy.) Some enterprising new arrivals go beyond establishing web sites. They found, and sometimes register whole organizations with minimal membership, but with questionably grand names, such as The Union of Belarusian Political Refugees, Belarusian-European Association, Belarusian Youth Movement of America, the Union of Belarusians Abroad. Under those names they are able to win grants for specific projects, or collect contributions for their various activities. In a number of instances, they not only compete with other more established organizations and institutions, but often take credit for most of the Belarusian activity in a given area in their promotional material, particularly on-line. Finally, there are some among the new arrivals who have a darker agenda. They readily join the existing organizations, volunteering their energy and skills in order to become valuable members of the organization. Their apparent dedication to the Belarusian democratic causes allows them to win the trust of the aging leadership. It helps them to reach leadership positions, at which time the masks are removed, their support for the dictatorship becomes apparent, as is their attempt at takeover. One such attempt almost succeeded in the New York community. One of the outspoken newcomers views the main distinction between the old and the new diaspora in the newcomers’ desire to eventually return to Belarus. Interestingly enough, that was exactly the aim of the members of the old diaspora half a century ago. The longevity of the Communist totalitarian rule prevented that aim from being realized. One wonders, will the prolonged present dictatorial rule repeat that scenario for the younger emigrants of today? Conclusion What could be done to make the leadership transition from the post WW II immigrants and the recent wave, smoother, if not seamless? Perhaps the major handicap in achieving a smooth transition was the lengthy duration of the Soviet rule in Belarus. It lasted nearly fifty years after the war, a span of two generations. The leadership of the earlier wave is long gone, their successors are at best now in the senior citizen category, with the next generation substantially assimilated, creating a major generational gap between the new and the old. Such a generational gap is difficult to overcome in achieving a smooth transition, and yet there are some examples of success. Generally, it is accomplished by searching for conscientious leadership among the new arrivals, without prematurely giving up the key positions, and then mentoring the budding leaders along democratic guidelines. Such guidance might over time produce valued professionals and responsible political leaders, as it has in the neighboring Baltic countries, who will return to Belarus at the right time, to help educate and guide that society toward true independence, based on democracy, the respect for law and human rights. This article appeared in Belarusian Review, Vol. 20, No.2 --------------------------------------------- Copyright 2008 Belarusian Review All rights reserved. belarusianreview@hotmailcom Walter Stankievich Walter Stankievich
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