| home archive search downloads subscription contacts |
 | |||||||||
The Molotov-Ribbentrop PactOn 1 September, 2009 the world marked the 70th anniversary of the beginning of the World War II. Many political leaders including Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and German Chancellor Angela Merkel took part in the commemoration ceremony in the Polish city of Gdansk.Mr. Putin in his Gazeta Wyborcza article wrote that Russia has already condemned the document popularly known as the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. In the article he nonetheless continues to blame the Western powers for the need for such a pact. Polish President Lech Kaczynski in turn accused the Soviet Union of being a second aggressor having acted shortly after Nazi Germany. On 17 September, “when we were still defending Warsaw… that day Poland was knifed in the back”, he stated referring to the Soviet troops entry into the territory controlled by Poland which was “assigned” to the Soviet Union according to the Pact. Below is the text of the agreement which became known as the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, together with its Secret Additional Protocol. In the next issue of the Belarusian Review we will examine the consequences of the Pact for Belarus, focusing on two main issues. First, the resulting territorial changes will be evaluated. Second, the issue of Vilnia (now Vilnius, the current capital of Lithuania) and the Vilnia region mentioned in the Secret Protocol will be scrutinized. Treaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics The Government of the German Reich and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics desirous of strengthening the cause of peace between Germany and the U.S.S.R., and proceeding from the fundamental provisions of the Neutrality Agreement concluded in April 1926 between Germany and the U.S.S.R., have reached the following agreement: Article I Both High Contracting Parties obligate themselves to desist from any act of violence, any aggressive action, and any attack on each other either individually or jointly with other powers. Article II Should one of the High Contracting Parties become the object of belligerent action by a third power, the other High Contracting Party shall in no manner lend its support to this third power. Article III The Governments of the two High Contracting Parties shall in the future maintain continual contact with one another for the purpose of consultation in order to exchange information on problems affecting their common interests. Article IV Neither of the two High Contracting Parties shall participate in any grouping of powers whatsoever that is directly or indirectly aimed at the other party. Article V Should disputes or conflicts arise between the High Contracting Parties over problems of one kind or another, both parties shall settle these disputes or conflicts exclusively through friendly exchange of opinion or, if necessary, through the establishment of arbitration commissions. Article VI The present treaty is concluded for a period of ten years, with the proviso that, in so far as one of the High Contracting Parties does not denounce it one year prior to the expiration of this period, the validity of this treaty shall automatically be extended for another five years. Article VII The present treaty shall be ratified within the shortest possible time. The ratifications shall be exchanged in Berlin. The agreement shall enter into force as soon as it is signed. Done in duplicate, in the German and Russian languages. Moscow, August 23, 1939. For the Government of the German Reich v. Ribbentrop With full power of the Government of the U.S.S.R V. Molotov Secret Additional Protocol On the occasion of the signature of the Nonaggression Pact between the German Reich and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics the undersigned plenipotentiaries of each of the two parties discussed in strictly confidential conversations the question of the boundary of their respective spheres of influence in Eastern Europe. These conversations led to the following conclusions: 1. In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement in the areas belonging to the Baltic States (Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania), the northern boundary of Lithuania shall represent the boundary of the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R (Editor’s note: Later changed to include Lithuania in the USSR sphere of influence). In this connection the interest of Lithuania in the Vilna region is recognized by each party. 2. In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement of the areas belonging to the Polish state the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R. shall be bounded approximately by the line of the rivers Narew, Vistula, and San. The question of whether the interests of both parties make desirable the maintenance of an independent Polish state and how such a state should be bounded can only be definitely determined in the course of further political developments. In any event both Governments will resolve this question by means of a friendly agreement. 3. With regard to Southeastern Europe attention is called by the Soviet side to its interest in Bessarabia. The German side declares its complete political disinterestedness in the areas. 4. This protocol shall be treated by both parties as strictly secret. Moscow, August 23, 1939. For the Government of the German Reich v. Ribbentrop Plenipotentiary of the Government of the U.S.S.R V. Molotov This article appeared in Belarusian Review, Vol. 21, No. 3 --------------------------------------------- Copyright 2009 Belarusian Review All rights reserved. belarusianreview@hotmailcom Illya Kunitski
|
|||||||||
| Rubriques |
Belarusian Culture
Belarusians Abroad
Contents
Economy
Editorial
Features
Chronicle of Events
Legacy of Chernobyl
Letters
Media Watch
News Briefs
- Culture & Society
- Freedom of Religion
- Independent Media
- Belarus & the World
- Human Rights
- Politics - Opposition
- Politics - Regime
Thoughts and Observations
| New Articles |
| Gradual Movement toward Europe May be Possible (12.01.2010) |
| Belarus Will Remain Belorussia for Moscow Journalists and Scholars (12.01.2010) |
| Belarus Cracks Down On Youth Activists (12.01.2010) |
| Pragmatic EU Keeps Belarus Sanctions in Suspension (12.01.2010) |
| A delicate Balance Between East and West (12.01.2010) |
| NATIONAL MINORITIES POLICIES IN LITHUANIA: A SUCCESS STORY? Part II (12.01.2010) |
| Appeasement in our Time: Berlusconi Goes to Belarus (12.01.2010) |
| Zapad 2009 Rehearses Countering NATO Attack on Belarus (12.01.2010) |
| The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact continued from the 21-3 Fall issue (11.01.2010) |
| Sanction Suspensions Continue … (11.01.2010) |
| Khalip Gets Journalism Award (11.01.2010) |
| European Union Disappointed with Lack of Change in Belarus (11.01.2010) |
| Minsk Forum: Belarus and EU Far Apart (11.01.2010) |
| Opinion Poll Reveals the Impact of The Global Recession on Belarus (11.01.2010) |
| BIB Will Defend Belarus National Interests (11.01.2010) |
| Readers' Favorites |
| Kitabs, the Unique Phenomenon of the Belarusian Language in "Encyclopedia of the Belarusian language" (10644) |
| The Exchange Rate Policy for Belarus (10535) |
| Belarusian Weapons Exports:A Possible Source of Laundered Funds? (9839) |
| Vaclav Havel - in Defense of Jakub Kolas Humanities Lyceum (9611) |
| Belarusica at the AAASS Convention (9545) |
| Putin Doctrine: Immediate Threat to Belarus (9226) |
| Belarusian Currency: Problems and Perspectives (9110) |
| Is Lukashenka Winning Back Hearts and Minds? (9003) |
| DZIADY and Kurapaty Unite the Opposition (8617) |
| Minsk Wants Compensation from Moscow for Abandoning National Currency (8608) |
| Opposition Forms New Pro-European Alliance (8576) |
| Belarus Represented in the World Book Fair (8545) |
| The Sad State of Agriculture (7969) |
| The Third Wave, or the regimes current tactics in dealing with independent NGOs (7623) |
| EU Aid Misuse Fears (7605) |